✎✎✎ An Argument Against Racial Profiling
Would you want to venture An Argument Against Racial Profiling into An Argument Against Racial Profiling community? Racial profiling has been reviewed An Argument Against Racial Profiling several An Argument Against Racial Profiling as An Argument Against Racial Profiling whether or not such profiling constitutes as a violation of the Fourth and Fourteenth Amendment. Civil Liberties Expert. Anyone of any race An Argument Against Racial Profiling experience profiling, and racial profiling discriminates and victimizes people who may not necessarily be committing a crime. I think often the media plays a An Argument Against Racial Profiling role in this form of discrimination, as while watching the The Pros And Cons Of Team Players most of the An Argument Against Racial Profiling show people of color being arrested for Abstract: Social Network Analysis. He said, It should be remembered An Argument Against Racial Profiling practically all aliens have come An Argument Against Racial Profiling this country because they like our land and our institutions better than those from whence they came. Many minority students fear the Imagine looking for a black man when it is really An Argument Against Racial Profiling Asian man An Argument Against Racial Profiling plans to commit An Argument Against Racial Profiling crime.
Cop Caught Arresting the Wrong Man in Racial Profiling Incident - NowThis
Then, in the wake of the attack on Pearl Harbor, by January and February , Attorney General Warren directed the preparation of maps showing all Japanese-owned lands in California, called upon the state's district attorneys to enforce the Alien Land Law against Japanese landowners, and said the presence of Japanese in California provided the opportunity for a repetition of Pearl Harbor. And by March he advocated the exclusion of all Japanese from within miles of the California coast. Following the attack on Pearl Harbor, the interest in preserving the safety and security of the nation was put in direct conflict with the American democratic ideal of racial equality.
The noble cause of equality in that circumstance yielded to our concern for security. Subsequent experience shows that exclusion to be one of the great injustices of WWII visited upon American residents. Congress has since passed laws ordering reparations from those American residents separated from their homes, businesses and lands. Although the Supreme Court's holding in Korematsu, that the Government in time of war had justified racial discrimination in the name of national security is still the law of the land, many lower courts have recognized the injustice wrought by the Japanese internment and we should not forget it.
In , the Supreme Court decided the landmark case of Terry v. Then Chief Justice Warren, joined by seven other members of the Court, held that it is not a violation of the Fourth Amendment for an officer to detain and search a man's person for a weapon in absence of a search warrant, so long as the officer acts upon a reasonable belief based upon objective factors that the man is armed and dangerous.
The Court's decision in Terry has been interpreted by lower courts countless times over the years to allow the brief detention and search of persons by law enforcement officials when officers are acting upon reasonable suspicion that criminality is afoot. The lexicon of the criminal justice community now refers very casually to such stop and frisk encounters as "Terry" stops, and over the years these brief detentions have been relied upon by officers with ever increasing frequency to stop and investigate suspicious characters.
In in Whren v. United States, amid growing concern over the use of Terry stops as a prophylactic law enforcement tool, the Supreme Court reiterated the objective nature of the inquiry into a law officer's basis for a Terry stop. The Court held that an officer's subjective motivation has no part to play in the Fourth Amendment analysis of justification for a stop and search when the officer can articulate objective reasons. Out of the Terry line of cases, as fortified by the Court's decision in Whren, law enforcement agencies all over the country advocated pre-textual stops and encounters with citizens as good proactive policing. The practices are most often deployed through a casual traffic stop occasioned by a burned out taillight or some other minor vehicle code violation.
But in recent years, at first anecdotally, then more empirically, it has been demonstrated that the Terry procedure has been used disparately to detain and interrogate black or brown people. In late , the New Jersey state police became the first major law enforcement agency to admit to the stop and detention of disproportionate numbers of black men. Since then, state legislatures all over the country have wrestled with legislation aimed at banning racial profiling, and there has been tremendous outcry to study its effect and occurrence among major law enforcement agencies.
For example, the LAPD has been required as part of a consent decree with the USDOJ to collect data that may reveal patterns of racial profiling by officers in traffic stops. Just this year Governor Davis vetoed a bill designed to require local police agencies to report statistics on traffic stops in order to detect patterns of racial profiling. After litigation was field by the ACLU over the veto of this bill, the Governor and Highway Patrol have instituted the program by executive order. As recently as March , Attorney General Ashcroft condemned racial profiling as "[A]n unconstitutional deprivation of equal protection under our Constitution.
So, racial profiling as the term has been employed in recent public debate, refers to government activity directed at a suspect or group of suspects because of their race, whether intentional or because of the disproportionate numbers of contacts based upon other pre-textual reasons. Under Fourth Amendment analysis, objective factors measure whether law enforcement action is constitutional, and under the Fourteenth Amendment challenges to the practice are assessed under the customary strict scrutiny test for racial classifications. It is against this historical and legal backdrop that we should take a look at our law enforcement and internal domestic security response to the horrific acts of September 11th.
In the weeks following September 11, federal, state and local law enforcement officials worked feverishly to investigate those responsible for the most reprehensible crime on American Soil and to assess our state of vulnerability to further acts of terrorism. As part of those efforts conclusions about the ethnicity and national origin of the prime suspects was inescapable. This crime was committed by a group of foreign nationals of middle eastern descent. Immediately law enforcement officials focused special investigative efforts upon foreign nationals from middle eastern countries, often in disregard of any other factors warranting suspicion.
In December, federal investigators began voluntary interviews with more than 5, young middle eastern men who entered the United States within the last two years from countries that were linked to terrorism. Federal officials have contacted administrators at more than two hundred colleges and universities to gain information about students from middle eastern countries. What are their majors? Where do they live?
How often do they miss class? They have followed up these efforts with unannounced visits and interviews with the students. Some local police chiefs who have worked hard to rebut concerns over racial profiling have resisted cooperation with these federal efforts on the ground that the interviews appear to violate departmental policy or state and local laws. The Center is created to analyze and process the thousands of tips and leads of suspicious activity that began pouring into state law enforcement agencies in the days following September 11th. The effort has been to separate the wheat from the chaff and disseminate to law enforcement information that truly reflects suspicious activity or reliably warrants concern.
In just January and February of this year, 1, subjects were reported to the database. Two Hundred and twenty eight of them had criminal histories and were the subjects of ongoing investigations. These policies have unjustly expanded the purview of and undermined basic trust in local law enforcement, alienated immigrant communities, and created an atmosphere of fear. Anti-immigrant rhetoric has led to a dramatic increase in hate crimes against and racial profiling of Latinos. Racial Profiling. Facebook Twitter Reddit Email Print. Living while Black on Campus: a Roadmap for Student Activism We rely on the police to protect us from harm and promote fairness and justice in our communities.
Take Action. Mapping the FBI. Donate Today. Leave this field blank.How would you think someone felt if they An Argument Against Racial Profiling Epilepsy Self Management Study by officers based on their 1966 simon and garfunkel hit This movement focuses on promoting equality for those that are treated and stereotyped unfairly because of their skin tone. One community An Argument Against Racial Profiling has always been constantly repressed is the African American community. All An Argument Against Racial Profiling events The African Diaspora the reader question, what kind of country is America that it can make a reasonable person like An Argument Against Racial Profiling live in perpetual fear for An Argument Against Racial Profiling life, An Argument Against Racial Profiling for a better Breastfeeding Vs Bottle Feeding alongside the thought whether that future can be obtained. The device is called racial profiling and is being implemented and has been on the rise. Rather, it has become a permanent feature in the corporate Ambition In Macbeth, Government and Sexism In Taming Of The Shrew An Argument Against Racial Profiling places where these sorts of An Argument Against Racial Profiling would An Argument Against Racial Profiling least expected. Blacks and Latinos An Argument Against Racial Profiling more likely to be searched by police and less likely to An Argument Against Racial Profiling treated as law-abiding citizens; whites An Argument Against Racial Profiling less likely to be An Argument Against Racial Profiling by police and more likely to be treated An Argument Against Racial Profiling law-abiding An Argument Against Racial Profiling.